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                            Excerpt From Chapter 13
                                    "The Music Trail"


    “Above all else it was the 18 or 20 Chopi xylophones that tingled the blood in my veins and left unforgettable memories in my mind.  Even now I can hear the leader somewhere in their midst hammering out a rapid introduction on his treble xylophone – then a slight pause, followed by the ear-splitting cacophony of all the other instruments, each with its own distinctive part, the two deep drums, the shaken rattles, crashing in with rhythmic precision.   But more was to come when twenty or thirty dancers in their skin capes and leggings, spears and cow-hide shields held high, entered the arena swaying rhythmically, bursting suddenly into song in a rich base unison, thrusting the air with their spears, changing pace and speed, leaping high, then BANGING their shields flat on the ground with the sound of a single pistol shot, wheeling and dancing with the exactness of a shoal of fry, turning as one, and turning again, sweeping the spectators along in a torrent of emotion – and then, without warning – an abrupt stop.   Stillness and silence, but for the continued tinkling of the treble and alto timbila.”   

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    Early in the 20th century Erich von Hornbostel set out the tunings of four xylophones from Africa and four from Burma and commented on their remarkable similarity.     Then in 1935 Jaap Kunst, an ethnomusicologist and curator of the National museum in Djakarta, observed:   “Outside the Malay archipelago there is only one region apart from Central America, where instruments of the gender type occur.  This region…is Africa.”   Kunst, like Hornbostel before him, compared tunings and scales of African and Indonesian instruments, and found them to be the same.   His conclusion was unequivocal:    

     “…it is from Java that this instrument came to the African continent …”   
 

     Xylophones are found with scarcely a break across the sub-Saharan regions from the Gambia to Lake Victoria; and in a dog-leg across the southern Congo down to parts of South Africa and Moçambique.   Though most African xylophones are played either individually or in groups of two, or three, there are notable exceptions: both the Ganda of Uganda and the Chopi of Moçambique have – or had - xylophone orchestras comparable to the magnificent gamelans of Indonesia.   
 

    Some years later than Kunst, the staunchest advocate of the Indonesian-African musical link was the Rev. Dr. A.M. Jones, a Welshman gifted with ‘perfect pitch’, who started his working life as a missionary in Northern Rhodesia.   With his musical background, and his interest in African music, it came as no surprise when, after twenty years in the bush, he left the church to become a full-time ethnomusicologist at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London.  

   
                                              
 

     Father Jones liked to tell the story of how one day, early in the 1950’s, there was a knock on the door of his room, and in walked a man with a bundle under his arm and introduced himself as Bana Kanuteh.   Mr Kanuteh was a Mandinka griot, a professional wandering minstrel and storyteller, whose homeland was in Sierra Leone.  Untying his parcel, he produced a xylophone which he said he had made himself, and proceeded to give an expert performance of his own West African music.    Father Jones listened in astonishment, for in this Mandinka music he immediately recognised many of the same unusual features that had been recorded in the xylophone music of the Chopi four thousand miles away near the mouth of the Limpopo.   Being well aware of Kunst and
Von Hornbostel’s work, Father Jones decided to put their theories to the test independently.

 
                                                 

 

      “In my room at the university” he wrote, “I placed a Cambodian xylophone (Indonesia) and one from the Mandinka tribe of Sierra Leone (West Africa).  Bana Kanuteh … had, of course, never set eyes on an Indonesian xylophone before. He ran his playing sticks up and down its keys and immediately began to play his own African music on it.    He told me it was the same as the Mandinka model and asked me if he might buy it!    He then started playing, without stopping, first on one instrument and then on the other – and still more remarkable – with one hand playing on one xylophone and the other hand simultaneously playing on the other.   Lastly he started singing Mandinka songs accompanying himself on the Cambodian xylophone.”    Though there is no clear musicological imperative for it to have been so, the fact that the pitch and tuning of xylophones were identical - from Southeast Asia to Southeast Africa, and to the furthest Atlantic coast of West Africa - went beyond the realm of coincidence, and firmly suggested that at some time in history there must have been a direct link between them.  


      Father Jones was fortunate to have made this experiment when he did.  Such has been the decline of traditional music over the past fifty years both in Africa and Indonesia that today he would probably have found it impossible. 


     Jaap Kunst lamented the fact that by 1970 there was not a single ‘gong-smithy’ left in Java or Bali who could make the traditional gongs for a gamelan; and in Africa there has been a similar decline.   For a time Chopi music was sustained in one or two of the Rand goldmines where policies towards African culture were sometimes surprisingly enlightened even in the days of apartheid; but when South Africa cut back on migrant labour, performances of all tribal dance groups were curtailed.   On top of this, with Moçambique’s 20 year civil war, and the abolition of the chiefs who were once the sponsors of proudly competing village groups, support for the Chopi orchestras became virtually impossible to obtain, and though there may still be one or two aging orchestra-leaders, they have long since given up creating the new routines that always typified their brilliant repertoire.   

 

    Five hundred years ago the Chopi must have undergone changes as traumatic as those in recent years, but happily with less dire consequences.    According to the late great expert on African music, Hugh Tracey, their oral historians told how at the end of the fifteenth century in a time of war and upheaval in Zimbabwe, their people broke away from the Karanga – a prominent Shona clan - and moved to their present location three hundred and fifty miles away near the southern Moçambique coast.   As the Karanga were the traditional custodians of the ancient buildings at the ‘Great Zimbabwe’ it is extraordinary to think that there must have been a time, long ago, when the towering walls of the Elliptical Temple regularly echoed to the thunderous sounds of some of Africa’s most brilliant instrumentalists. 

 

    The significance of the Chopi relationship with the Karanga and the Great Zimbabwe is of much more than passing interest.    If xylophones and xylophone music were introduced into Africa by Indonesians, as is now generally accepted, it means that their direct descendants must once have lived in the heart of one of Bantu Africa’s most renowned ancient culture-zones.   It supports contentions already expressed that the Zanaj of Indonesia must have been closely involved with the Zanj of Africa in the gold mining region of Ard Sufala, at the centre of which lay the Great Zimbabwe.    The fact that the Chopi separated from the Karanga roughly 500 years ago also brings to mind the story, well authenticated in Madagascar, of how the Maroserana came from ‘Mijomby’ (Moçambique) to present-day Tulear in Madagascar with a shipload of gold which ultimately enabled them to gain supremacy over the local people and create the huge Sakalava Empire.    When the court musicians moved to the coast – perhaps harassed by invading Bantu warriors - were they hoping to escape to Madagascar with Andriamandisoarivo, their new Maroserana king?    Were they, for some reason we shall never understand, abandoned and left behind in Africa?      
 

    Apart from a very primitive version played in a few parts of the island, the Malagasy have never been xylophone players, an odd omission that clearly supports the view that there was not just one single Indonesian imprint left on Africa, but many different ones from different points of origin, and arriving at different times throughout the thousand years of Zanj dominance on the coast.    The contention expressed earlier that different Indonesian sukus made up the people of Zanj – the Bugi and the Bajoo, for example; or the Mandar, and the Makassar - suddenly makes greater sense.    Each group of Indonesians brought a different facet of their culture; had their own specialisations; and settled in different regions – the Bajoo and the Mandar in the northern islands where they continued to live their traditional life, and became the builders of the mtepe; the Bugi and the Makassar who were prominent in the colonisation of Buki (Madagascar); others from Sumatra, the  ‘Island of Gold’, to develop the minerals of the hinterland; and yet others whom we shall encounter who sailed on round the Cape of Storms to far away West Africa.  


 

    


 

A scenario such as this helps to explain some anomalies in the world of xylophones and other musical instruments.    Bana Kanuteh’s xylophone, for instance, had a box resonator similar to a Cambodian instrument.   Large xylophones in the southern Congo, shaped not unlike half a huge truck-tyre, so that the player could reach all the notes without moving, were very similar in appearance to arrays of tuned metal gongs of Thailand called khong vong. Chopi xylophones, and the beautiful marimbas of their cousins the Ndau (from where our word ‘marimba’ comes) have individual resonators like Javanese instruments.   It is very likely that certain instruments were introduced in some areas but not in others.     


 


 

    In the music world the direct comparison of instruments is one thing; but much the strongest evidence of Indonesian or Southeast Asian origins lies not so much in the morphology of the instruments as in the principles behind the music; the type of scales used, how they are tuned, and so on.   Suffice to say that on both sides of the Indian Ocean musicians used heptatonic and pentatonic scales with similar intervallic relationships.  The same principles do not just apply to xylophones, but to other instruments as well, e.g. such instruments as the ‘finger piano’, or mbira, popular in Central Africa, but which has no precise counterpart in Indonesia.
 

    In our Western world nobody minds if music written, say, for strings, is transposed for the piano or some other instrument; and the same sentiments seem to have been shared in both Indonesia and Africa.   Music composed for instruments of one type was often played on instruments of another type.   A delightful, if extreme, example of this was on the island of Natuna Besar in eastern Riau, where women once had their wooden mortars ‘tuned’ to a perfect heptatonic scale so that they could make joyful music as they pounded their rice, thumping their pestles up and down in interlocking rhythms.   History does not record what the music was; but one can be fairly sure that it was not written specially to be played on pestle and mortar!   The fact that finger-pianos and xylophones share the same scales is therefore unremarkable.   It is not the instrument that really matters; but the principles behind the music.    

 

                          

 

    The last paper Father Jones wrote before his death was on African panpipes. That ‘bible’ of everything to do with music, Grove’s Dictionary, says – incorrectly - in the current edition (2004) that panpipes are only found in Central Europe or around the Pacific rim.    Panpipes were also once an instrument of western Java; and they are a very important instrument in parts of South Central Africa where they are found in a large swathe of country roughly between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers stretching inland to the Upemba depression around the headwaters of the Congo.  They are played by the Chopi of Moçambique, and in the mountains of Basutoland: they are also played by Bushmen and Hottentots, suggesting that panpipes may have been around in southern Africa for a long time – possibly since before the Bantu migrated into the area.  

    Hugh Tracey’s musicologist son, Andrew, recorded his impressions when he heard panpipes played in a Nyungwe village near Tete on the Zambezi: “I will never forget the first time I heard (an ensemble).   I was immediately surrounded by about 50 men and women singing and playing the panpipes, and a richly harmonic sound on all sides, something like being in an organ loft among the pipes.”    Both Tracey and Jones agreed that the scales and  pitch of the panpipes is the same as for mbira and xylophones: and Jones’ contention, once again, was that the scales, pitch and tuning of the African panpipes had their origins in Indonesian music.  

    Had Father Jones lived longer he might have noticed two other factors that seem to confirm a direct relationship between African and Southeast Asian panpipes: the first - how the Nyungwe panpipes are bound together with strips of palm leaf in an attractive criss-cross plaited  knot  identical  to  the  ‘plaited  ligature’ of panpipes in Vanuatu.   The second is how, in order to reduce the size of the opening at the top of large pipes to make them easier to blow, the Nyungwe push several sections of smaller pipe - in diminishing sizes - into  the mouthpiece, fastening them  with beeswax in exactly the same way as Solomon Islanders.      

     Did they dream up all these things independently, or do they – as Father Jones wrote – “,… force us to admit that there must have been diffusion”?  

(The Music Trail Continues...)    

 

 Excerpts continued:

 

"From Madagascar To Africa..."

"The Bronzes of Igbo Ukwo"